For the 70-year-old co-founder of the Unified Black Movement, José Adão de Oliveira, Brazil has, since the distribution of hereditary positions in colonial times, had a history marked by the seizure of power by a minority.
According to him, this minority creates obstacles to the access of the black population to decision-making places by trying to undermine the quota policies in place in the country, whether through amnesty for parties that do not adhere to the legislation or through racial identification fraud.
Black quotas in spheres of power have been a demand for decades by the black population, including the National Unity Movement, which emerged in 1978 to fight racial discrimination during the military dictatorship (1964-1985).
José Adão, currently an advisor to the movement, speaks about the racist policy of the Lula III government, which he considers to be hampered by the need to negotiate with conservative groups, defends heterosexual identification commissions to combat fraud by self-declared black candidates in the elections, and outlines considerations regarding the creation of a black party in Brazil.
How do you evaluate the inclusion of blacks in politics?
Many people who were seen as white and had never declared themselves black suddenly began to declare themselves black. There has been an enormous growth in self-advertising with the aim of seizing public funds. Leftist parliamentarians voted with the right not to implement the law (quotas in elections). This prevents the authorities from democratically expressing the proportion of blacks and women in the population.
This proportionality had to be present in all parliamentary seats, in compliance with the concept of democracy. We don’t even have a representative democracy. We have a continuing seizure of power by the families of hereditary colonial leaders, which has not changed to this day. They have improved a little, but, at their core, these are structures that still benefit from the hard work done by the majority of the population.
How to resolve an incorrect self-declaration?
The heteronormative identity panel is part of the evolution of public policy. Must be in all operations. It is also necessary to conduct general and ethical training for employees in all cases.
The lack of morality is at the beginning. If a person does not have the morals to occupy this space, then they should not occupy it, for the good of society.
In light of these aspects, what is the impact of the racial quotas policy in the elections?
The policy itself is successful, because it was able to be implemented. Now, given the backwardness in which we still live – we are in a semi-republic, in a semi-colonialism – there is still a lot of rejection. This refusal will not lead to the cancellation of the quota policy. They are the people who are not up to the task of politics, who are behind the times.
Is there a strong name for a black candidate to run for president in 2026? How do you evaluate the scenario?
It doesn’t exist. This absence is a result of this policy that led to the emergence of the MNU. There must be a process of building citizenship in terms of education, health, housing, social participation and respect. All this constitutes a formative set of citizenship, social participation and recognition of people that generates confidence in delegating tasks.
If people cannot reach management positions, there is no reference for the person at the bottom looking up. If there is no reference, there is no way to delegate. How to vote for what doesn’t exist?
That’s why we don’t have a strong candidacy for governor, mayor or president. I could mention Benedetta da Silva (federal representative of the Workers’ Party from Rio de Janeiro), which is our most famous name, but she does not have an electoral density of at least 20%. (It’s about) the history of disappearances and ongoing crimes against the black population.
What achievement has the Lula 3 government achieved regarding public policies for the black population?
It could have been much better, but this is the expression of this political expression, through which it is necessary to negotiate with the conservative majority. Progressive agendas don’t make much progress, but we have made progress on health policy for Black populations.
At the Ministry of Education, progress has been made in investing in secondary education and in Pé de Meia (the federal government program that provides financial incentives to students). There is also a policy to support popular courses, which is very important, because people on courses and in EJA (Education of Youth and Adults) are citizens whose right to education has not been respected since they were children.
In the judiciary, how do you evaluate the absorption of blacks into this power and the pressure exerted by social movements on black women in the Supreme Federal Court (STF)?
It is the continuity and improvement of the quota policy that will provide greater access to the judiciary. Regarding the pressure black women put on STF, it is absolutely fair and necessary. What will the Supreme Court be like without Carmen Lucia after her retirement? Elimination of white men.
It is necessary for more black people and women to participate. It’s a justice factor, actually. Without much ado, simply do it justice. If the judiciary does not do justice to itself, how can it be a role model for society?
In the year of its founding, in 1978, the MNU issued a text in which it addressed the lack of representation of the black population “in decision-making circles, which consequently prevents us from taking our demands to the highest political spheres.” The movement says in the text that it realizes that it is “in an embryonic stage of organization,” and therefore it is impossible to launch its candidates at that time. Since then, have you thought about starting a party?
I cannot speak for the entire MNM, but we have never discussed in any of our conferences the possibility of the MNM being a party. What we have proposed, since 1993, is to build a political project from the perspective of the black population, from the perspective of blacks for Brazil, for everyone, and not from our perspective as a political party.
In our history, we have not launched our own candidates because we are not a political party. But people associated with the MNM were candidates, including Abdias Nascimento. We currently have several candidates, such as Simone Nascimento (PSOL), Associate State Representative of São Paulo and MNU Coordinator.
How does the MNU evaluate the possibility of creating a black party in Brazil? There are initiatives in this direction.
It’s right. But I believe that multinational unity will not be this alternative. MNU has a Charter of Principles and has an ongoing programme. We want to see Black people occupying the different spaces that are out there.
The Republicans, run by Governor Tarcisio (of São Paulo), for example. How many black men and women state ministers are in Tarcisio’s government? At Tarcisio’s party? What about other parties?
The development would be to achieve fair occupation for all parties, while complying with the existing quota law. Creating a black party is right, but I don’t see it as the solution. It is one solution, but it is not the most appropriate.
The MNM defines itself as nonpartisan, but is left-aligned. How does the movement view right-wing blacks?
It’s the same right-wing white people. There is no discrimination. The question of right and left arose in the French Revolution. When is Zombie Dos Palmares coming? When is Ganga Zumba coming? Much, much earlier. When Peru Vaz de Caminha came here and classified the indigenous people as pardo, this division actually came about. Our issue (racism) comes before (the right and the left).
X-rays | José Adao de Oliveira, 70
Co-founder and member of the Griots Council of the MNU (United Black Movement). He is a social educator, writer and co-author of the book “United Black Movement: Resistance in the Streets” (Edições Sesc São Paulo and Fundação Perseu Abramo, 2019) and curator of “I Book GRIOT of the MNU: Memories of the Life and Struggle of Black Elders” (Sabedoria Griot, 2024).