“You have to know how to lose” An old rock band sang, “You can’t always Holy words. Peronism must make it its own. It piles up defeats in droves, but learns nothing, and old regional allies circle around it like bowling pins, but it does not change a single comma. She seems like a rather stubborn student. Doesn’t she understand or doesn’t apply herself? I’m afraid it’s a more serious problem, a political culture problem, a manufacturing defect. Peronism was born to win, just to win, to exercise power. Wasn’t it “national” and “popular”? Isn’t it? Did he gain implicit moral superiority from him? “The nation” and “the people” were his, and if they were, it was the fault of others: the sepoys, imperialism, and Satan. It was not a coincidence that it was a movement, or a majority, and not a party, or the elite: whether it was him or the anti-nation.
The crisis of Peronism is a crisis of its original isolation from liberal democracy: It was adapted out of convenience, never out of conviction. He preferred referendums over debates, verticality over pluralism, obedience to criticism, doctrine over innovation, propaganda over content, and doctrine over thought. And so it passed from leader to leader, from family to family, from husbands to wives, feigning non-existent unity and inconsistent consensus. Unable to change, renew leadership, or manage succession. That is why he is unable to get out of the well: because to do so he must change from head to toe, take the step he never took, evolve from a sectarian cocoon into a reformist butterfly: he will benefit, and the entire Argentine political system will benefit.
But no, Oblivious to the rejection he provokes and the world that is changing, he carries on as usual It practiced the cult of the leader and sanctified, as it always had, “the people.” Worshiper of corrupt rituals and outdated lexicons, prisoner of yellow myths and outdated prescriptions, Pyrrhonism staggers like a distraught boxer clinging to someone dragging him to hell. It is blind to evidence, and denies corruption, the origin of which must be understood in order to change: its cause is the primacy of loyalty over ability, faith over responsibility, the sacrifice of means for ends, and the pretense of impunity derived from superiority; It is again sectarian in nature, and its mentality is again anti-secular. Meanwhile, the bulls ran away: many believers stopped believing, others became skeptics, and still others changed their faith.
However, knowing how to lose is just as important as knowing how to win. Maybe even Even more difficult, especially if the vanquished believes, like Peronism, that it is superiorIf you occupy all the spaces and spread arrogance to the greatest extent: the temptation to get angry is uncontrollable. But victory requires more greatness and self-control than defeat. It implies a vision of the future that is rare everywhere, and even less so in the history of Argentina: how often have partial victories been confused with complete victories, and how often have they inferred from this the right to remove the vanquished from the map! Although it must be clear that in democracy there is no final success. Since the rule is the transfer of power, it is not advisable to satisfy the loser’s thirst for revenge: the good statesman knows that glory comes and goes, he thinks of today but also of tomorrow, he directs the government but tries to induce the opposition to loyalty.
I hope so Wrong diagnosis, but it’s not what you see. What you see is temptation He described any disagreement as “coup-mongering”, and any contradiction as Kirchnerian; “Coke” has become the new right-wing version of “gorilla”; As we have seen many times in Italy, we see the media anticipating the rulings that will be issued by the courts. We see an opaque decision-making process, concentrated in a few secret rooms, and a general hostility toward constitutional bodies that monitor executive power. Since Peronism is not a republic, the phrase is repeated, to get rid of it it does not matter whether you are a republican: limited power can become absolute, revenge into vengeance, and law into arbitrariness. To get rid of Peronism, of course, is not from the Peronists who went alongside them, sitting safely in the victor’s car: pro-government yesterday, pro-government tomorrow, pro-government always. Some see Miley’s success as a celebratory October 17 in reverse, but the danger is that it sounds more like an editor: short-sighted and completely delusional.
Political conflict, as is known, is not a game of checkers, and is not usually fought With foil strokes. But it involves implicit rules, mutual facilitation: mutual legitimacy with existing opposition, not what one would like it to be. To be on the “left” you have to acknowledge the existence of the “right,” and to be on the “right” you have to acknowledge the existence of the “left.” If one cancels out the other, it becomes all, and all becomes totalitarian, which is the hidden temptation that permeates Argentine political culture, and is the most enduring historical legacy of Peronism: it made populism systemic, and anti-populism populist.
President Miley is in enviable circumstances, he has it all Unless Mauricio Macri has a table laden with the best and most exquisite dishes: broad consensus, opposition against the ropes, a powerful external ally, a condemned enemy, and the regional winds in his favour. You can think big. Implement the much-invoked “structural reforms,” subjugate Congress, “tame” the media, unleash social networks, and keep state governors in check. Why raise the specter of McCarthyism? Do you not see the hatred that is overflowing among your most fanatical followers? Racism, classism, vulgarity? The old anti-Pyrrhonian dream of destroying Pyrrhonism is, if we look closely, a very Byronic dream: what you hate, you become yourself.