Peronism is in crisis: rulers at three different speeds and unity is in danger

The forced unity of Peronism is threatened once again by the movements and positions of its rulers against the libertarian government which has already known how to gain some will to defend its policies and is now willing to do more.

In this new phase, the Peronist map can be read in three political families: on the one hand, the managers more open to dialogue, such as Osvaldo Galdo and Raúl Jalil, who have already shown signs of parliamentary independence and are looking for space to negotiate with La Rosada; At an intermediate point, critical interlocutors appear, such as Sergio Zilioto and Gerardo Zamora, who agree to sit at the table but specify distance and terms; On the opposite end stand the regional trench leaders, led by Axel Kiciloff, Gildo Insafran, Ricardo Quintilla, and Gustavo Melilla, who are steadfast in supporting unconditional opposition to libertarian politics.

La Libertad Avanza was responsible for identifying these divisions in the post-election victory call. Axel Kiselov (Buenos Aires Province), Gildo Insafran (Formosa), Ricardo Quintilla (La Rioja), and Gustavo Melilla (Tierra del Fuego) left the picture. Sergio Zilioto (La Bamba) could also have been part of the excluded, but the liberals aimed to broaden the profile and, at the same time, contribute to the internal Peronist movement.

The Pampyan Provincial President attended and decided to do so as the critical voice of that meeting. He thus responded to Casa Rosada’s institutional call but cautioned against discriminating against his peers in advocacy. But the truth is that Zilioto and his colleagues are short of money. Zilioto had just fast-tracked a Supreme Court case over the temporary debt the nation incurred with his province. After that photo at Balcarce 50, Miley’s government acknowledged the delay in funds at the court hearing and could proceed with an agreement.

Zilioto has so far managed to overcome the money shortage by keeping the province debt-free and financially balanced, but he plans to maintain an open dialogue with La Rosada. He always makes it clear that he is an opponent. In the elections, he managed to paint the province blue, but with an election that was so close (the Frente Defendamos La Bamba won by only 2,253 votes against the People’s Liberation Army) that would lead him to measure every movement in the next two years.

Regional internal affairs are also not easy. Zilioto was unable to be re-elected, and the unity achieved on October 26 has already begun to fade with his predecessor, Carlos Verna, who is following in his footsteps. It has no room to break. He needs a unified Peronism so that this region does not turn purple in the next battle, and in that sense, he cannot imagine giving the opposite signals in Congress. The three representatives and the senator will maintain the Peronist identity that the Bamba people have played with until now.

Another governor (not Peronist but a historical ally) who served as a “bridge” was Gerardo Zamora of Santiago, who was also invited to Casa Rosada to take the family photo left by Guillermo Francos before his departure as chief of staff. The county president may seem like a talk show but he is clear that libertarian government will be discontinued as an option. On December 10, he will arrive in the Senate with little intention of voting with the liberals and a great desire to become the protagonist of the next stage.

Those willing to show more Peronist independence are Osvaldo Galdo (Tucumán) and Raúl Jalil (Catamarca). In January last year, the man from Tucumán broke the bloc of Union for the Fatherland deputies and led his three deputies to form Independencia, a space through which he introduced several laws for the libertarians. The electoral unity achieved in Tucuman under the seal of Tucumán Primero was not a condition for his return to the Peronist bloc in Congress. Not only will he remain under that identity, but he has given Jalil the option to participate in this space so that he can maneuver in association with La Rosada.

On the Catamarcan’s cell phone there are more invitations such as those from the rulers of other spaces who are at this time analyzing the formation of a new bloc. Gustavo Sainz (Salta), Hugo Passalacqua (Misiones) and Rolando “Rolo” Figueroa (Neuquén) are currently talking with Jalil and also with Galdo.

But both knew that forming this bloc would generate a complete break with the Union for the Homeland, which they needed within the regional alliance to overcome Miley. There is nothing left for them, so perhaps the way forward is to remain independent and agree to the formation of a Peronist bloc.

This is what Christina Kirchner is looking for during these hours. The interblock system is a way to contain those who seek “flexibility” when voting. The PJD leader no longer singles them out for the “real political transformation” with which she has described her support for the libertarians in recent months, and now seeks to ensure that they do not cause further damage to the fragility with which Peronism has remained so far.

On the other hand, Sergio Massa was already tired of the personal movements and moved away from the dialogue to contain them. The leader of the Renewal Front was able to ensure that cracks did not occur in some areas designated for elections and not in others (such as Salta, Cordoba, Entre Ríos and San Luis), but he has now decided to run.

On the other side, there are those who are more stringent in the policies of the national government: Kicilloff, Melilla, Quintilla and Insafran. The challenge is twofold, they must take care of the province and provincial coffers. The first two were defeated on October 26. Melilla actually suffered in the elections from the lack of agreements between Peronism and three lists in its territory.

Riojan’s team barely won by 882 votes. “Quintela has done a lot with the nation’s financial stranglehold,” says one national authority. Only Gildo Insafran was able to celebrate a comfortable victory. The challenge facing Peronism is to contain these three speeds without Congress becoming the final scene of the rupture. Each ruler arrives with his or her own pressing requirements, regional pressures, and different readings on how to confront the ruling party. The redefinition of the map of Peronism has only just begun.