The Constitutional Hall of Congress was filled this weekend with representatives and positions of the Socialist Workers Party and the Popular Party in Institutional Law to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the proclamation of Juan Carlos I as King of Spain after the death of the dictator Francisco Franco. The current king, Felipe VI, attended the event, which witnessed the best time for bipartisan agreement on the transition with the entire royal family, and for his part claimed the validity of the “parliamentary monarchy” as “a beautiful idea of the best of what we are.” Historians and journalists who administered this law appealed to that legendary “agreement” reached in the early years of this democratic phase to look to current politics in search of shared “minimum moral and civic values.”
Congress also wanted to celebrate those transcendent days fifty years ago when Franco and Juan Carlos I died and were proclaimed king, and, within a few months, the whole political reform that was transformed from dictatorship to liberal parliamentary democracy was promoted. This upcoming tribute was implanted in a kind of symposium between historians and politicians, heroes of that period, moderated by the veteran journalists Iñaki Gabilondo and Fernando Uniga, who asked questions.
King Felipe VI, Queen Letizia, Princess Leonor and Infanta Sofia listened to all the interventions and King Charla concluded with a shorter speech than the morning speech in the Royal Palace which inspired the work in these years of the Congress as the seat of the “collective imagination” that “embodied the idea of the reunification of Spain” and defined the validity of the parliamentary monarchy through its function of “authority, balance, continuity and conciliation”. Al-Rai concluded by presenting his idea of a democratic Spain: “A beautiful idea that embodies the best of what we are; what we aspire to; the sum of our dreams, hopes, and illusions.”
In the crowded hall, the most important and symbolic room of the Congress, representatives of the People’s Party and the Socialist Workers’ Party, now and before, sat with several components of the government, such as the First Vice President, María Jesús Montero, the Minister of Justice, Felix Bolaños, and the Minister of Territorial Administration, Ángel Victor Torres, because the President, Pedro Sánchez, was traveling to the summit of the Congress. G20 in South Africa, but also the leader of the opposition, Alberto Núñez Viejo, President of the Constitutional Council, components of the Council of State, the Judiciary, the living components of the Constitution encased in the golden ton, former President Felipe Gonzalez, the Presidents of Congress and the Senate, veteran former leaders of both formations. There was no one from Vox nor from the heterogeneous group of nationalist parties and leftists who supported the socialist government.
Iñaki Gabilondo was the first person who did not want to compromise in praise of any of the historical heroes of that moment whom he considered a “democratic menace,” and in this chapter he did not forget to attribute founding merit to Juan Carlos I. This promise was recognized by historian Juan Pablo Fossi, who also praised the figure of the titular king as co-author of “the successful history, as sometimes happens in our contemporary history, of the refounding of Spain.” A democratic state.” Gabilondo depicted the feelings of “uncertainty and fear” at that moment to confirm that the word that says “Concito Todo” is “Concordia” and “the loud will not to return to the streets.”
Professor of Ethics and Philosophy Adela Cortina welcomed the continued separation of that political and civil decision by distancing the “differences” of other times, and searching for what unites in the face of what divides and draws attention, like an arc that only warns current leaders, that “the polarization that divides us does not have a single meaning” and Tamko does not “extend” it. The worse, the betterAs a result of this period of transition, Cortina once again debunked the myth that had been haunting Spain that it was a country that could not live in a democracy, but only called on current leaders to seek “a moral code and a civic ethic with a common minimum that exists” to improve people’s lives. Cortina also claimed that the “parliamentary monarchy” still constituted an “extraordinary platform” for achieving these goals.
The former president of the Senate, the socialist Juan José Laporda, thought a lot about the need for “consensus and reconciliation”, highlighted then and now the importance of Spain’s integration into Europe, and ended his presentation with a request “to the government and the opposition: please, keep one point aside, let us know the jimmo.” Historian Juan Pablo Fossi concluded from his study of this entire democratic phase and the global context that “the monarchy is a very plausible landmark,” especially the European and parliamentary systems, which are generally portrayed as “generous, secretive, unlavish, impolite, idealistic and transparent.” In the case of Spain, it was recommended, as if taken by the king, out of concern for preserving his social conscience.
Cortina and Laporda addressed the concept of “ejemplaridad” and the philosopher wanted to quote José Ortega and Gasset to write: “There is no wealth except in countries where three four parties fulfill their obligations.” She drew advice from all members of the royal family who listened to her: “The king is trustworthy, worthy of trust, and is the best that can be given to a person.” “The monarchy will only serve itself,” Gabilondo said.
About The Author
