The Army Command estimates that equating Brazilian criminal factions with terrorist organizations, a proposal being discussed in the National Congress amid the debate over Antifaction PL, could create a risk of foreign interference in Brazil.
The armed forces have been monitoring the matter since it came to prominence after the Donald Trump administration in the United States defended the designation of the two Brazilian factions PCC (Primeiro Comando da Capital) and CV (Comando Vermelho) as terrorist organizations.
Five public officers were interviewed by BoundWith reservations, he stated that the equation could open loopholes for interventionist rhetoric to be used against Brazil by world powers.
There is a view within the military that the United States has used aggressive anti-drug rhetoric in the Americas to justify military operations in Brazil’s neighbourhood.
This is the case of Venezuela. The Trump administration has classified criminal organizations in the country as terrorist groups due to their links to international drug trafficking, as happened with Venezuela’s Tren de Aragua faction.
The rhetoric of combating drug trafficking in the region is used as a justification by the US government to place aircraft carriers and other naval vessels in international waters near Venezuela.
The US military presence in the region has also served as pressure from the Trump administration against Nicolás Maduro’s regime, including tension surrounding a potential US ground operation in Venezuela.
The army’s position was expressed behind the scenes and is known to parliamentarians before the discussion of the anti-faction bill, which was scheduled to be voted on on Wednesday (12) in the House of Representatives. After four versions of the text by the rapporteur, Guilherme Dayret (PP-SP), and setbacks but changes in the competence of the Federal Police and the Anti-Terrorism Law, the draft should be analyzed only next Tuesday (18).
The US campaign against criminal organizations in South America caused embarrassment in the visit of the head of the US Southern Command, Admiral Alvin Hulsey, to Brazil.
On the eve of his arrival, the US Embassy informed the Army that Southern Command wished to visit the 4th Jungle Infantry Battalion, stationed on the Rio Branco (AC) and responsible for controlling Brazil’s borders with Peru and Bolivia.
The US Embassy in Brasilia said in a statement: “The visit provides an opportunity to learn first-hand about the challenges and threats that exist in the common border region between Brazil, Peru, and Bolivia, especially those related to illicit trafficking.”
The request was considered unusual. In general, the head of the US Southern Command visits the region’s military commands, led by four-star generals. The battalions are commanded by a lieutenant colonel and colonels.
The Army rejected the visit request on the grounds that the visit request was made without prior notice, and without time to prepare the Rio Branco Battalion for the arrival of the American military commander.
As a solution to this problem, the Brazilian Army proposed that Alvin Holsey visit the Amazon Military Command in Manaus, to learn about the Army’s work in controlling the border. The Americans rejected this proposal.
In October, Hulsey resigned from US Southern Command amid military operations in Latin America. According to the New York Times, the military commander’s early retirement is linked to tensions in Venezuela.
The issue of equating Brazilian criminal factions with terrorist organizations has been discussed in Congress in the anti-factional PL party. The bill was introduced by the Lula government (PT), but the president of the chamber, Hugo Motta (Republicanos-PB), handed over the report on the proposal to Guilherme Dirit. The opposition deputy is the Secretary of Public Security in São Paulo and an ally of Governor Tarcisio Freitas (Republicans). He has taken leave from his position in the Executive Branch in São Paulo to report on the project.
The representative was an advocate of amending the anti-terrorism law to include the practices of Brazilian criminal organizations among terrorist crimes. After criticism from members of Lula’s government and the Federal Supreme Court, Dirit announced changes to the text and backed away from this point, as well as the need for federal police to request authorization or report operations to state governments.
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