In your new book, “Sanchez’s Imprint,” you paint a deep psychological portrait of Sanchez. What features did you see when he went to appear before the Senate?
– Difficult personality. He reminds me a lot of those players who hit big shots; … Girl and couple. When you think you are on the defensive, you are on the offensive, and vice versa. He is unpredictable to his opponents but predictable to them as well. What happened in the Senate is that instead of meeting a man who said good morning to him and used sarcasm, and the involvement of his brother and his wife in events investigated by the judiciary, and the incompetence of the person who appoints two secretaries to organize his party, one of whom is in prison and the other at the prison gates, we found ourselves facing a moderate interrogation, without class, without legal technique, without dialectical technique. And in that, whoever challenges always wins.
– They couldn’t deactivate it
The crisis of the constitutional system that Sanchez promotes is the disruption of reaction mechanisms against arbitrariness and the lack of direct or indirect commitment to the constitution. This makes it possible to govern without budgets, to agree on national policy abroad in secret, to rule by decree by law, and to colonize institutions. The political right, essentially the People’s Party, was not able to do this, because there was, first, an alliance of interests against the regime itself, led by Sánchez and mathematically superior. Second, the People’s Party remains a traditional party, acting as if Sanchez had not changed the rules of the game. This means that it does not correctly explain the historical time in which we live. This made it impossible to reactivate the mechanisms that Sanchez had neutralized.
-And what’s wrong with PP?
-I think the ability to strategy. These are times of political boldness. If we allow what happened in Valencia, we will be able to see the extent of the delay and poor measures that were taken. But the Socialist Workers’ Party has no legitimacy or moral authority to criticize the positions of the People’s Party because it has destroyed the principle of political responsibility, while the People’s Party maintains it.
– Fox is also in opposition
-There are two things here. First, lies prevailed and truth became opinion. There are no facts, there are opinions, and this has completely numbed the social fabric. Secondly, the Vox party was born as a reaction to the Catalan sovereignty process, it takes advantage of the problems that grow and manages to benefit from deep, useless anger. Where does Fox rule? Why do smart people like Espinoza de los Monteros, Olona and Ortega Smith leave? What is your discourse on economics, innovation, international politics and taxation? Do we have an accurate idea of what he wants? Honestly no. We have a party of reaction and anger, and Sanchez uses it to the fullest. He and Abascal are an interpretation of a symphony for piano in four hands.
Fox’s turn
“Abascal and Sanchez play the same piece on the piano with four hands: the anger of one fuels the strength of the other.”
– In a future Spain without Sanchez, how can we protect it from another Sanchez?
The Constitution must be reformed: the Constitutional Bloc. The state must be federal so that the system of powers does not create any kind of confusion. The Senate must have legislative first reading powers, which it does not have. In the General Council of the Judiciary, we must change the system for electing the twelve judicial advisors and also create automation so that they are automatically dismissed once their term expires. The same applies to members of the Constitutional Court. Of course, it must be proven that without budgets, if they are not presented within a period of six months, calling elections is automatically mandatory. The matters that can be regulated by decree law must be restricted, the matters must be removed, the so-called omnibus decree must be restricted, the so-called intrusive amendments must be prohibited… In short, all this must be cleaned up to return the function of budgetary control and legislative oversight to Congress and the Senate. The law of requests, concessions and doubts must also be established in the order of succession, and there should be no predominance of men over women in the succession. Then, in all rights and freedoms, the technological variable must be introduced because it is directly linked to intrusion and poses a threat to many rights. Finally, we have to look at the minimum requirements for public services and pay attention to basic needs. I think, for example, about housing. All of this must be done through a legislative program that has two options: either there is an absolute majority, or there is a reformulation of the political culture and there is a majority that allows organic laws to be passed.
– I don’t think you should rule out the angry attacks that Oscar Puente or the Moncloa team might make if they read your book.
– Well, when someone comes from a political culture in the Basque Country, in the 80s and 90s, it doesn’t cause me much concern. In fact, if there was a response it would be interesting, I would love it, because that would be an additional incentive to sell more books.
PP error
“It continues to act like a traditional party at a time that requires political boldness.”
– Have you thought about sending a copy to Pedro Sanchez so he can read your psychic photos?
-no. If you like, buy it or ask the publisher. I will also say that neither this book nor the other six books I wrote were sent to previous presidents, and I had a good relationship with some of them: I interviewed Felipe Gonzalez, Aznar, Rajoy, Zapatero, Calvo Sotelo… and the only person I did not interview was Sánchez.
-It’s just that it doesn’t stop.
-No, it seems it is not allowed
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