As a feminist, I understand that a lot of work is needed from public authorities to achieve a legal system that truly protects women. There is still a long way to go. Last week, in which the country once again centrally debated rampant femicide, new cases emerged – so many that there is no space to comment on them all.
Last Friday 5, in Brasilia, Maria de Lourdes Freire Matos, 25 years old, corporal in the Brazilian army, was murdered and burned alive by the soldier with whom she had a relationship. He confessed to the crime and had his arrest in flagrante delicto transformed into a preventive arrest. He will be charged with femicide, firearm theft, arson and procedural fraud. According to forensic doctors, Maria was beaten and stabbed to death before her body was set on fire.
The same day, in São Thomé das Letras (MG), a 26-year-old woman had 60% of her body burned. There was no doubt who was responsible: her 19-year-old boyfriend went to the police and confessed to throwing gasoline on her and setting her on fire. A gallon was seized on site. The boy was questioned and released home, sparking outrage: how can someone who confesses to a barbaric crime enter a police station and leave through the front door?
Before evaluating the behavior of the civil police, it is necessary to recognize a legal fact: in Brazil, anyone who comes forward spontaneously and confesses to the crime is not caught in the act and, therefore, returning home is something supported by law. Furthermore, arresting someone knowing that their arrest is illegal constitutes a violation of rights and may result in administrative consequences.
It is important to highlight that the next day, in western Bahia, Rhianna Alves, an 18-year-old trans woman, was killed with a rear-naked chokehold. The suspect took the body to the police station, introduced himself and also walked out the front door, sparking outrage again.
However, I understand that in extreme situations, even given the current legal framework, it is reasonable to require an administrative structure and institutional arrangements for an emergency response from the judiciary. This is what we talk about when we demand serious public policies from the executive and judicial branches: prepared teams, agile communication flows, risk protocols. Unfortunately, the country is far from this. These cases are just a small sample of the daily tragedy.
In the case of feminicide, characterized by Law 14.994/24, which defines the murder of women based on their female gender, many Brazilians are humiliated and killed by aggressors who already benefited from protective measures – measures which, without monitoring, become nothing more than paper. How many orphans left by femicide fear being the next victim?
On the 6th, in Andradina (SP), Fernanda de Oliveira Andrade was found dead with 54 stab wounds. A few days earlier, she had filed a police report and requested protection measures against her ex-boyfriend. No institution could protect her. This crime deeply outraged me, because I think of the number of women in Brazil who live in a state of alert, knowing that the attacker has been released, or even arrested, and can approach them at any time.
As expected, the recent protests against femicide have sparked outraged speeches. The public gesture may have symbolic value, but what is really expected of elected officials is qualified legislative work: improving existing standards and proposing protection mechanisms compatible with vulnerable groups.
With technical and political competence, it is possible to propose a type of prison for female aggressors and feminicides that helps police stations to keep in detention those who enter to confess the crime, with the biggest “face”, and who only go out from there to the prison, responding to the arrest process, among other urgent improvements. The same goes for legislation protecting trans people and transvestites.
Faced with the worsening crisis, President Lula signed law 15.280/25, which increases sanctions in cases of femicide and strengthens emergency mechanisms. These are important measures, but they require continued sophistication to aggravate the procedural situation of men accused of violence against women and femicide, ensuring rapid and effective state responses when the lives of female relatives and orphans of femicide are in danger.
We understand femicide in a broader sense, including state responsibility for the deaths of women. When the state does not provide minimum protection, when protective measures are not monitored, when complaints are ignored and when teams do not work, this is already part of the problem. Given this historical situation, it is the duty of institutions to work to protect the lives and dignity of women.
PRESENT LINK: Did you like this text? Subscribers can access seven free accesses from any link per day. Just click on the blue F below.
About The Author
