The decision to Sanchez fortifying itself in La Moncloa opens a deep fissure between the government – reduced to the last bunker of sanchism – and certain territorial leaderships of the PSOE which are beginning to assume that, in their hands, the destiny that awaits them is insignificant. It is no longer just a government without a parliamentary majority, but it is starting to be a government without a party.
Since the debacle in Extremadura, socialism has shown signs of distancing itself from Sánchez. The idea that victory in the next general election is possible is crumbling among their people and they are letting go. The Catalan requiebro of Illasanchist theoretician among the sanchists, by setting up a firewall for the first time: “the PSC and the PSOE are different parties; “Corruption will not affect us.”
One of the most damaging readings for Sánchez of Sunday’s results is the failure of his strategy to foster the growth of Vox, presenting him as his main opponent to divide the Spanish right and break up the PP. The reality of Extremadura has shown that Vox is growing by capturing the votes of both systemic parties. Further AbascalWell, that doesn’t mean Sánchez anymore. The president was wrong to interpret the rise of Vox solely from a Spanish perspective, when it is inseparable from the international emergence of the new radical and anti-system right. It is obvious that Le Pen in France, he sent both the traditional Gaullist right and the Socialist Party to the UCI; as well as in the United Kingdom, Farage punishes both the Conservative and Labor parties.
The PP is also wrong to read Vox only in Spanish. The dilemma of Guardiola in Extremadura – whether or not to agree with Abascal after having demonized him – shows on a reduced scale the existential problem of the PP in Spain: Feijoo He needs it to end sanchism but, at the same time, it could mean his downfall. In fact, this is Vox’s stated objective: to replace the PP, which does not go hand in hand with supporting and consolidating Feijóo in power. Because it is also one of the objectives of Vox, within the current of the new Western radical right, to subjugate liberal democracy and its institutions to adapt them to the new autocracy that they promote. asset And Orban. It is not a party of reform but of demolition.
Precisely, the PP can find a model abroad to counter Vox: the Italian Meloni She established herself as Prime Minister and one of the leaders of the European Union thanks to a synthesis of the traditional right and the new radical right. This allowed him to disable his rival Salvini – once a great friend of Abascal and with whom he shares a Hungarian agenda – in domestic politics and to keep Italy within the European consensus.
Meloni combines a populist discourse that emotionally binds the middle and working classes, who demand greater toughness on immigration, security and the defense of conservative values, with the application of pragmatic policies respectful of the European framework. A post-populism to counteract anti-system populism which can and must serve as a guide to the PP at the crossroads with Vox.
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