How ‘microcoups’ are changing politics in Europe and Latin America

In recent years, there has been an increase political phenomenon difficult to fit into the classic categories: the so-called “micro-shots”. They are not based on the use of force with tanks in the streets or on military meetings, but more subtle processes in which governments, parliaments or courts push the boundaries of the law to accumulate power.

We have seen this in recent years on European territory in Poland either Hungarywhere democratically elected governments such as Liberty and Justice or Victor Orbán They have carried out reforms that allow them to decisively influence the courts, the governing bodies of judges and the public media.

An increasingly common phenomenon also in Latin America with Venezuela of Nicolas Maduro, The Salvador of Nayib Bukele or that of Nicaragua Daniel Ortega as maximum exponents of these silent wars.

In Polandchanges in the rules for appointment, retirement and judicial discipline have reduced the independence of judges, while critical judges are publicly discredited.

In Hungarythe combination of redistricting, media control, and institutional reforms keeps elections competitive in appearance, but increasingly less fair in practice.

In Latin Americaseveral cases show this slow erosion of democracy: in Venezuelathe capture of the Supreme Court, the prolonged use of a state of emergency, and the practical nullification of the National Assembly gutted the system from within until an almost totally authoritarian regime was consolidated, all through chained “legal” decisions.

In Nicaraguathe control of the judiciary and the electorate, the illegalization of opposition parties and the closure of critical media were also carried out step by step, using laws and penalties to give the appearance of institutional normality.

In El Salvadorthe dismissal of constitutional magistrates and the attorney general by a pro-government majority, followed by judicial approval of the presidential re-election and reforms aimed at prolonging power, illustrate a microcoup d’état supported by votes and norms, not by tanks.

An erosion of democracy

All of these examples share several characteristics: the strategic use of constitutional and legal reforms to expand the power of the executive, the gradual capture of control institutions such as courts and electoral bodies, and the increasing pressure on the press, NGOs and the opposition through laws on “extremism”, “fake news” or security.

Democracy is not suddenly suspended, but it is eroding and the dumping of content, until voting is still possible, but changing government is becoming more and more difficult.

These microshots They generally combine three ingredients: tailored legal reforms, the capture of controlling institutions, and disinformation campaigns aimed at delegitimizing the opposition. The result is that, without formally suspending democracy, its real functioning is emptied of its content.

The key to these processes is that they occur step by step, small enough to not cause an immediate reaction, but cumulative over time. Each change is presented as technical or necessary, making it difficult for citizens to perceive the whole thing as an authoritarian shift.

The role of social networks

The rSocial networks have become a central weapon in this new form of democratic erosion. They serve both to attack uneasy journalists and judges and to construct a narrative of ongoing victimization, where any criticism is presented as part of a conspiracy or an attempted “soft coup” on the part of adversaries.

At the same time, Oppositions in these countries face a dilemma: If they denounce these microcoups too strongly, they can appear alarmist; If they react late, they find themselves with a board already tilted against them. This tension explains why the political and institutional response often comes when the damage is already difficult to repair.

International organizations and human rights NGOs have begun to develop specific indicators to measure this slow democratic degradation. It is no longer enough to count elections; We must also look at the independence of the judiciary, freedom of the press, pressure on minorities and transparency in the exercise of power.

Understanding microcoups is essential to avoid reducing politics to a fight between two camps. This allows us to see that the central battle is not always between left and right, but between those who accept the rules of the democratic game and those who try to shape them in their favor without openly recognizing it.