The electoral cycle that begins on Sunday in Extremadura will take place under the influence of the useful vote, that incomprehensible concept that each party shakes in the same way as the medieval infantry brandished its shield before colliding with the enemy: more to frighten its own fears than … to instill it in others. Even abstention, in our proportional system, weighs in favor of the majority option. Before the noble Bello people go to their appointment at the polls, the budget for 2026 will be debated at the municipal plenary session of Seville. The mutant red lines dictated to Cristina Peláez by her equestrian leader reflect in a mirror the living image of the usefulness of voting for Vox, both in Mérida and in Alcosa Park.
The new condition of Santiago Abascal – Peláez acts as messenger – to approve the accounts of the City Hall maintains a relative relationship, let’s say, with the municipal powers: the register as a tool to contain illegal immigration. Vox describes the popular people as “right-wing cowards”, but we observe greater cowardice in this bizarre defense of identity, a cañí populism with the scent of mothballs, because it hides its true essence. If they no longer hide the penis envy (that’s a Freudian expression, let them register with me) that the macho leadership of Trump or Putin produces in them in the face of a weak liberal democracy, why do they continue to ambush their racism in a neat blur? Ask publicly, as you already do privately, for a return to purity of blood. For neighborhoods without Moors or panchitos! Eggs are missing.
Therefore, María Guardiola is wrong like what happened to Feijóo in the summer of 23 or Sanz will be wrong when his turn comes, appealing to the “useful vote” to avoid the transfer of ballots from the PP to Vox, because voting for Abascal’s lackeys is very useful. It is useful for the PSOE, in particular, which governed for two years thanks to the determination of the right to present itself in the general elections in four autonomous communities – nine constituencies – in which they did not have the possibility of adding seats: these remains allowed Pedro Sánchez and his partners to add seven deputies, according to a careful calculation, which changed the character of the legislative body.
As for Cristina Peláez, she will have to choose between influencing the way the Sevillians’ money is spent or being the reckless pawn of her bosses in the headquarters of the Popular Party, the only state formation that still resists the frontist test of Abascal and his motley troupe: young people from the “barbour borroka”, ladies with an overdose of hairspray, Joséantoniennes in Loden coats, workers in neo-extraction facades, carlistones nostalgic for Montejurra and a few meapilas anchored in the “no to abortion” hammered out from his youth at the priestly school. That is to say, it lacks the entity that could be called ultra and what Paco Umbral called “right”. It rhymes with testosterone and gives, hey, a laziness that we don’t see.
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