Lulinha and Careca on flight JJ-8148

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The revelation comes from journalist André Shalders.

The fact that they took the same flight to Lisbon a few months before Lulinha moved to Madrid proves nothing. The burning smell comes from the behavior of the Planalto riot police, who blocked all attempts by the INSS CPI to listen to Lulinha. They even blocked access to the passenger list of flight JJ-8148.

They had already blocked an attempt to hear the president’s older brother, director of a union involved in stealing money from retirees.

Lulinha’s association with Careca do INSS was made by Edson Claro, a former partner of the businessman, in a statement to the Federal Police, revealed by journalist Mariana Haubert. He cited compensation, trips and rigged deals that could have earned Lulinha 25 million reais. This costs a lot of money and compromises the credibility of the complaint.

By protecting Lulinha, the Planalto riot police protected him. Defense worthy of PSG goalkeeper Safonov. It seemed like an effective tactic. Its vulnerability lies in the fermentation of traces. The aim is to find out who is the “son of the boy” who allegedly received R$300,000 from “Careca”.

Praising his government, Lula said Thursday that “if my son is involved in this affair, he will be investigated.” The Federal Police have a mandate for this and do not need authorization from Planalto. The case of the IPC INSS is different; Parliamentarians have a mandate, but a hearing requires the authorization of the majority of committee members. What we have seen in recent months is the protection of the president’s son and brother. It wasn’t a matter of whether or not to investigate them, it was simply a matter of listening to them, and the government riot police blocked these requests.

Lulinha can explain his presence on a flight to Lisbon, a few rows behind Careca of the INSS.

In October last year, a month before flight JJ-8148, an INSS audit had already shown that undue deductions from retirees’ accounts reached 45 million reais.

During Lula’s first term, his son found himself in difficulty with the telephone company Telemar.

Thanks to a banker friend, he obtained a contract for his video company Gamecorp.

Telemar invested 2.5 million reais in Gamecorp, but the company did not prosper.

Lulinha is a biologist by training. Before becoming a businessman, he was a supervisor at the São Paulo Zoo.

All this happened almost 20 years ago. It was a time when Geraldo Alckmin, his opponent, called him a “guy”, but asked him for forgiveness for his “inelegance”.

The characters of the INSS scroll

The crisis involving the gang stealing money from INSS retirees recalls scenes from Luke Skywalker’s trip to the Mos Esley Cantina, home to the most loathsome beings in the galaxy.

Stealing the show is Bald from the INSS who sold medical marijuana, as well as a wealthy socialist married to a federal police chief.

Luke was saved by Obi Wan Kenobi, who appeared at the bar with his laser sword and freed the boy.

Relations between Gleisi Hoffmann, Minister of Institutional Relations, and Jacques Wagner, head of government in the Senate, were not perfect. With the dosimetry vote issue, things got worse.

At Gleisi’s initiative, they discussed on social networks. Unprecedented thing.

Lula’s calm when he announces that he will veto the dosimetry project, because “that’s the game”, suggests that he is certain that his veto will not be overturned.

To override a veto, the votes of 41 senators are needed.

If the veto falls in plenary, he can continue to say that the game is being played.

It is assumed that Lula’s veto of the bill aimed at reducing the sentences imposed on the hierarchs of the coup plot and its vandal infantry of January 8 will not be overturned. In this case, Jair Bolsonaro, sentenced to 23 years in a closed regime, will not be entitled to an increase in his sentence until April 2033, when he will be 78 years old.

Since 2018, when he was stabbed in Juiz de Fora, Bolsonaro has undergone at least four surgeries, totaling 22 hours. His health is known to be precarious, due to a stabbing received by an unbalanced man driven by political motivations.

Does a former president who dies in prison interest the country?

The Minister of the Army, Sylvio Frota, was proud when he challenged the official mourning granted by President Ernesto Geisel to Juscelino Kubitschek in 1976?

Did Geisel himself enlarge, a few months later, by allowing the widow of João Goulart to bring her deceased husband to São Borja, on the condition that the car, leaving Uruguayana, did not stop during the entire 180 kilometer journey?

The US government is unlikely to extradite former MP Alexandre Ramagem. Extraditions are complicated in themselves. In the case of Ramagem, Abin’s former boss, he has a wealth of information that may be of interest to the Americans.

He will tell you everything he knows, especially because your open file is useful to him. Closed, it carries water for threatening extradition.

The Central Bank may have been slow to bust the Master, but it was careful to protect its steps.

When Gabriel Galípolo said in his end-of-year interview that he had documented all the meetings dedicated to the case, he justified the past and prevented the future.

While the documentation will continue, the president of the Central Bank warned that the institution would continue to protect itself against initiatives on the generous carpet of the Judicial Power.

As the Rio ticket books teach: “What is written is worth it.”

Eduardo Bolsonaro had his 15 days of glory. Impeached, he saw his fear realized that the White House would abandon him after Trump’s threatening (and vain) letter to Lula.

From now on your path will be steep and rainy, with little company.

For the sake of loyalty, Fernando Haddad will do what Lula says, but throwing him into the lion’s den of succession by the São Paulo government is bad.

The current governor, Tarcísio de Freitas, is virtually guaranteed to be re-elected. If he becomes president, he could nominate Gilberto Kassab for the race. Kassab and Tarcísio cultivate the electorate from within as if they were the only ones. The capital, by defeating Guilherme Boulos with a margin of almost a million votes, showed that it was not a farmyard.

On Haddad’s side, he won the mayoralty of São Paulo in 2012, despite being appointed to Lula’s position.

Four years later he sought re-election but was defeated.

In 2018, he sacrificed himself as a presidential candidate, with Lula in prison and Jair Bolsonaro at his peak.