Milei’s term as president is evolving a century removed from the reign of Marcelo T. de Alvear between 1922 and 1928. Until Mauricio Macri ended his government, Alvear was the only non-Peronist president to complete it. This historical anomaly is amplified in a young nation like Argentina, steeped in the traditions of the West: we need practically half of our independent life to return to political change in democracy. This anomaly is reinforced by another, no less disturbing, fact: Alvear was the last president who emerged on a path of great prosperity and ended his term in office: during his six years in office, GDP grew by 42.2%.
The The development of GDP was reflected in the growth of the industryboth at the national level and due to the arrival of dozens of international companies, in the sharp increase in immigration, in the adoption of laws regulating pension systems for railway workers, the civil service, banking, the modalities of salary payment, night work and the work of women and children. It is also worth mentioning that Alvear appointed Enrique Mosconi as head of YPF, who led the company to rapid expansion. When he handed over his government, Argentina’s GDP per capita was among the top ten in the world.
Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear (1868-1942). a personality who has not received the recognition he deserves. Perhaps because he was gradually criticized by Yrigoyen’s supporters after taking office, and because he later waged a courageous struggle against the conservative Concordancia regime. However, these rough edges should not make us forget that his presidency represented a brilliant period in our history, to which Alvear contributed with a remarkable administration and leadership based on a handful of powerful ideas that were not discussed and later forgotten.
Alvear He was a member of a rural patrician family. His grandfather was Carlos María de Alvear, supreme director of the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata in 1815 and commander of the army in the war with Brazil in 1827, where he won the brilliant victory of Ituzaingó, which allowed the eastern band of Uruguay to be freed from the Brazilian yoke. His father was Torcuato de Alvear, the first mayor of Buenos Aires. He was a lawyer by profession.
His public appearance began and then ended at the 1889 Florida Garden rally to become secretary to Leandro N. Alem. After the Parque Revolution that overthrew President Juárez Celman in 1890, the following year he accompanied Alem, who founded the Radical Civic Union. And he is actively involved in the first steps of the brand new political party. He meets Hipólito Yrigoyen and joins in voting abstention as a revolutionary weapon. He took part in the radical revolution of 1893 and supported Yrigoyen in his duel with Lisandro de la Torre in 1897.
After the Saénz Peña law on universal and secret suffrage was passed in 1912, he was elected Member of the Bundestag for four years. In the presidential election of 1916, Yrigoyen prevailed, contrary to the predictions of the liberal reformists who had promoted the law, and was offered the position of ambassador to France, which he held until 1922.
In A decision that perhaps shows what Yrigoyen thought about the model Given the current progress, the radical leader appoints him as his successor. Alvear is elected president and takes office on October 12.
In perspective, this is The election was an extraordinary success, destined to gain trust of Argentine society. The failure of Yrigoyen’s second presidency has made us forget that he outlined a clear political strategy when appointing Alvear. Had the fateful three-year period of 1928-1931 not occurred, historians would judge Yrigoyen’s decision as a masterstroke in consolidating the democratic republic. This was actually true between 1916 and 1928. There were years of prosperity in some periods of Argentina’s history, such as during Alvear’s presidency.
Perhaps on the basis of proof of appointment David Rock claims that there was a tacit alliance between conservatives and radicals (Argentine radicalism, 1890-1930). Rock is not wrong: Until 1928 there was no fundamental questioning of the progress model introduced in 1880. Despite the political and social struggles that have occurred in these fifty years of our past, the tacit consensus on the economic system has not changed.
Accordingly historical hypothesis can be concluded from this that times of progress in the country require political leadership, but above all the tacit consensus of the majority of society, represented by the population in general, its businessmen, trade union members, media, economists and, currently, by the strong support of the youth.
It took us Argentines 53 years to restore democracy. In terms of progress, this calculation expands depending on who the analyst is. Fifty years, starting from Rodrigazo in 1975; eighty years, if we start from Perón’s first presidency; almost a century if we start from the coup of 1930. Whichever option the reader prefers, there is no denying that Alvear’s presidency was the last in which all economic, demographic and social indicators were positive.
looks at us the mirror of the timein which conservatives, radicals, progressive democrats and socialists agreed on the fundamentals of progress beyond daily political struggle, we can hope that the lesson has been learned and Argentine society is ready to maintain long-term state policy, regardless of who governs.
A century after Alvear’s presidency, the possibility of returning to the path of sustainable progress is being considered. President Milei leads This possibility, and it depends on him and the non-Kirchnerist political forces, that the tacit consensus observed in Argentine society is expressed in reforms that have been proposed for decades but never implemented.
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