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“The old trick of running in the shadows,” sang Charly García. A secondary phrase, thrown almost casually, but which seems like an involuntary X-ray image of Argentina’s political times. For if there is one force that has mastered this art of sneaking into the shadows, reappearing in the corners and surviving every twilight, it is Peronism.
And what makes this moment interesting is not the evidence of his crisis, which, how much deeper can it be than the one he experienced after the death of its founder, the embarrassing presidency of his wife Isabel Perón, the Triple A, López Rega and, as a bonus, the subsequent beating that Raúl Alfonsín gave him in 1983? That would be too obvious and, as a world-famous expression goes, chocolate for the news!
Rather, the evidence is that Peronism has entered that altered mode of history in which it has stopped thinking about itself and is once again waiting for the miraculous alignment of certain planets, which, if Milei is successful, will only occur in several years, which is even intuitive, almost without the need to look at political portals.
What better proof of this than the recent electoral process where, without paying attention to the always endogamous and impenetrable Kirchnerism; The alternative variety with supposedly greater potential, the Mediterranean, was on the electoral stage with the surnames Schiaretti and De la Sota? In case the message isn’t clear to you: I owe you the extension for next time.
This also left once again a rough evidence: Peronism is reborn not through introspection but through gravity. And when he shows up again, he always does it the same way: without asking permission and without anyone waiting for him.
This was the case throughout his career, and this return depended less on his ability to reformulate doctrinal teachings than on a repeating pattern of almost astronomical order: the synchronicity of three planets that, when aligned, make competitive the most stubborn, if not invincible, political movement in the land.
Disclaimer 1: This does not mean that Peronism did not promote two renewal movements in the past whose epicenter was in the province of Buenos Aires, such as that of Antonio Cafiero in the 1980s and, closer to that date, Sergio Massa. However, it is worth noting that both, in turn, lost the internal struggle at the hands of those who received the marshal’s baton in time. In this sense, the question here is whether “which rules” is not an old saying, indicating that between the copy and the original, the voter will ultimately gravitate towards the variant that presents the relevant options more clearly. In the 80s, Alfonsín was the agent of change, with Cafiero acting as the B-brand radical leader. As far as soda brands go, Coca-Cola reigns supreme in Manaus.
Likewise, the cucarda of change in Massa’s time was led by a Macri who appeared as the new, in contrast to a Kirchnerism that already felt the decade of fatigue on its back. Once again, between the original and the copy, Brand A killed Brand B. Needless to say, the change today is Javier Milei. That is, whoever wants to embody a libertarian Peronism should know that they must sacrifice themselves, perhaps with the comfort of doing so for a greater good. I don’t know it.
Disclaimer 2: This consideration should not discourage the numerous ideological power centers that, like streamer Peronism, among others, daily engage in clever reformulation exercises of Peronism that, when the time comes, could nourish a possible government platform and even give political cadres enviable communication skills.
Not to leave it hanging: This is what happened with the first Peronist renewal, which brought various political cadres into the governments of Carlos Menem. Among others, today’s energy, mining, media, catering and certainly another business entrepreneur, José Luis Manzano, who, like the sun, is always there where business is brewing.
if it breaks
Peronism does not erupt in moments of order, but in states of emergency. This was the case in the two great Peronist hegemonic cycles of restored democracy, inaugurated not only by internal programmatic purification but by the smell of blood emanating from deep social, economic and political crises.
In case it’s not clear to anyone: Peronism without a crisis is becoming an option without a firm anchor in its traditionally major political engine: the world of work. Its founder defined it this way: For Peronism there is only one man, the one who works and, most importantly, gets a good return for it. “Fifty fifty” in the general’s own words. In case anyone needs further clarification: Peronism is capitalist according to Perón’s Anglicism used in a CGT law.
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