When opposition leader Alberto Núñez Feijóo traveled to Barcelona to ask Junts, through the Catalan employer Fomento, to support a parliamentary motion of censure aimed at overthrowing the government of Pedro Sánchez, a taboo in force since 2017 was broken.
Despite the ambiguous style that characterizes him, the top leader of the PP assumed that if Junts responded to his petition, he planned to end the war between the two parties. Logically, this should mean at least the acceptance by the PP of the amnesty law, the end of its maneuvers against the use in European institutions of Catalonia and other official languages of Spain and the abandonment of the policy against Catalan in Valencia and the Balearic Islands.
Nothing of the sort has been proposed by Feijóo, unless he splits. And as the rejection of Carles Puigdemont’s party was immediate and circuitous, there was no possibility of knowing where the PP is capable of arriving in a negotiation with Junts. On the contrary, it was also not possible to know how useful it was that, in this case, Junts would weigh with its seven votes in Congress if the beneficiary was a party with an ideological formation like the PP. What we see every week is that Junts’ parliamentary spokesperson, Míriam Nogueras, is delighted to plan her party’s political relations with the PSOE in terms of value.
However, the questions are of great interest. Leave some questions open. Is Junts’ demand to support a possible motion of censure against the PSOE government and Sumar a recognition of his contributions to Sánchez’s parliamentary weakness, which continues one day and the next? Elsewhere, is it an attempt to reconnect with certain broken relationships when Junts was CiU and Mariano Rajoy president of the PP and the Spanish government? Is it the replanting, the recognition of the need to count on this possible interlocutor? Is this also a gesture to indicate that the PP is ready to count on Junts in a future Spanish legislature?
The pre-election polls show a panorama that is not at all halagüeño for Junts, and this is done in such a clear and persistent way that it is enough, in itself, for the Catalan right to refuse any electoral vote. But the reestablishment of good harmony between rights, as it existed at certain times in the past, is not only to the advantage of the PP. Certainly what I feel now is that the emergency is Feijóo. But Junts also suffers from the absence of possible allies. Now it’s just an isolated party. Breaking with ERC. They abandoned the CUP. The PP and Vox continued to persecute their leaders. The PSC made a pact with the PP to take back Barcelona town hall from Xavier Trias. Can we imagine the support of Vox or the Catalan Alliance for Together to form a majority in the Catalan Parliament? ¿Y without the PP?
Even if the years of confronting the constitutional and statutory crisis have left very deep legacies, how is it that Junts, PP, Vox and Aliança Catalana coincide in the fact that Catalonia and Spain are fiscal hell? It is logical that coincidences of this magnitude have their consequences.
About The Author
