Two Buenos Aires Senate employees have been arrested and prosecuted for alleged sexual abuse in the Palace of Parliament

The case that for years exposed a conspiracy of sexual abuse, the recruitment of victims through militancy, alleged cult structures and encrypted communications within the United States own Senate of the Province of Buenos Aires had a decisive twist. On the night of Monday, December 29th, the two main defendants in the file were arrested and prosecuted: Nicolás Daniel Rodríguez and Daniela Silva Muñoz, both permanent staff of the Provincial Senate.

This is the first influential judicial measure and at the same time the State Ministry’s explicit recognition of the seriousness of the issues under investigation. The measure was adopted as part of the investigation carried out Prosecutor Betina Lacki, head of UFI No. 2 of La Platawho understands that there is enough material to make criminal progress.

This Tuesday, December 30, Rodríguez and Silva Muñoz were transferred for examination. Both refused to testify with the support of their lawyer.

The suitcase has a lid “Sexual abuse with carnal access”: rape. The investigation assumes that some of the reported sexual assaults would have taken place within the Senate of Buenos Aires itself, specifically in Office 007, a unit under the direct influence of the body’s presidency. The mere mention of this physical space set up an explosive institutional scenario from the start: not only unusual crimes were being investigated, but also the alleged use of state facilities to commit them.

Rodríguez and Silva Muñoz have been stable employees of the Senate for years. Parallel to that Silva Muñoz joins the Gender Secretariat of the UPCN Buenos Aires Provincea fact that presents a stark political and symbolic contrast to the nature of the complaints. Rodríguez, meanwhile, was a teacher at the secondary school of the Estudiantes de La Plata club, an area where he would have recruited one of the potential victims.

The arrest comes after a long courtroom sequence. The first complaint was made in 2014 by a young abused activist. Two new cases were added in 2019. And in 2025, two more reported episodes were added to the file. In total, there would be five victims, although not all managed to sustain the process. For protection and security, their identities remain strictly confidential.

This is one of the most disturbing data from the investigation – and which now takes on a crucial dimension following the arrests Some victims still depended on Rodríguez’s work.said lawyer Ignacio Fernández Camillo, representative of at least two complainants, in dialogue with Clarion. That is, alleged victims work in the same institutional environment as their alleged attackers.

The advocate’s hypothesis of these victims proposes a repeated mechanism: Recruitment through political militancy, promises of support, government job placement, high-income contracts and demands for reimbursement of part of salary “for militant tasks”. An asymmetrical power relationship that, according to the complainants, resulted in submission.

There is also the existence of an alleged organization called “The Order of Light”, into which the young women would have been integrated. The group communicated through a Gmail inbox, using coded and encrypted languages ​​that, according to sources in the case, give the appearance of communication typical of criminal circles. This component is key: strengthens the hypothesis that these were not isolated events but an organized structure.

The detainees were military personnel the political group “La Capitana”, a space in which Giselle Fernández, sister of former President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, was involved until 2021. He is not attributed any criminal responsibility or involvement in the case, but the data shows the political reach of the conspiracy.

Silva Muñoz’s union membership also raises a deep question. If the legal hypothesis is confirmed, the case would mean that a union leader in a gender sector is linked to acts of oppression against women, revealing an institutional contradiction of enormous consequence.

The case is in the hands of Betina Lacki, a prosecutor who has already investigated power investigators. This is the same official who tried and convicted the so-called “judge gang”. and that encouraged the bringing of the “Chocolate” case to trial, thereby destroying a multi-million dollar fund diversion structure in the Buenos Aires legislature.

The prosecution once again entered sensitive territory of political power in the province. And the decision to order arrests marks a point of no return in the record.

Meanwhile, there is an internal climate of silence and tension in the Senate. The institution knows that these are no longer loose complaints or reserved statements: now there are detentions, prosecutions and an investigation that has penetrated to its very core. The question that begins to arise is not only legal, but also political: Who knew?Who allowed people accused of rape to continue to occupy strategic positions? Which control mechanisms failed?

After the arrests, the case enters a crucial phase. The analysis of evidence, electronic communication, work hierarchies, possible functional responsibilities and power structures is deepened. “Further legal action cannot be ruled out,” the investigation said.

The file examines not only very serious sexual crimes, but also a logic of subjugation linked to militancy, public employment, state structure and possible sectarian organization. And everything, in the most emblematic building of Buenos Aires politics.

Now justice must move forward. The Buenos Aires Provincial Senate has a problem it cannot hide under institutional rugs: two of its most exposed employees are arrested and prosecuted for rape.