Raul Noblesilla: “Democracy does not exist in Peru, and the right breaks democratic processes”

Within hours of learning the sentence issued against the former President of Peru Pedro Castillo For the coup of December 7, 2022, the lawyer Raul Noblesela He stressed that democracy does not exist in Peru because “The right breaks democratic processes.”. The former Deputy Cabinet Minister explained that the country is going through “a process of dictatorship that has been confirmed since the right-wing coup of December 12, 2022,” and stressed that economic stability in Peru is sustainable through a constitution written as a “neoliberal crusade.” In the dialogue Fontificia modeby Net TV and Radio profile He added (p. 1190): “We need to return the people to their sovereign position.”

Raul Noblesilla is a Peruvian lawyer who has served as a representative in high-profile cases involving Peruvian politics. In addition, he served as Deputy Minister of the Presidency of the Council of Ministers during the presidency of Pedro Castillo.

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I would like you to first share with our audience what your relationship with the former president, now indicted, was like. I was a former Deputy Minister of the Presidency, the Council of Ministers of the Presidency, which I feel is one of the main organs of the Presidency, but I would like to confirm you.

We are just reading the sentence that will constitute a historical moment, but not because it is historically happy, otherwise we would unfortunately be confirming the dictatorial process that we have been experiencing since the right-wing coup on December 12, 2022. In fact, it has come my turn to accompany the popular process, the popular government, not only as a friend, but as a companion of the president. Pedro Castillo Chavezbut also holds the position of Deputy Minister Presidential Council. Today we are united, beyond the expected result, and above all, we are moving towards the restoration of democracy.

Looking back, and from a distance from Argentina in particular, the first thing that can be seen in the case of Peru is exaggerated political instability. Most presidents go through important court cases and enjoy amazing economic stability. How can you explain to foreigners the fact that Peru has had practically all of its presidents convicted, and at the same time has an economy that provides enviable stability? Doesn’t this enviable stability translate into an improvement in the level of the population, and this is the reason for political instability, or are they two separate elements?

Yes, this is a contradiction that has an answer. The answer is the neoliberal process imposed under the Fujimontese dictatorship through a comprehensive neoliberal constitution since 1993. It begins with the complete privatization of public companies and foreign interests, especially in North America. What we have witnessed is a state of autopilot in a country where, since 1993, after many decades, we have to continue to support 10 million people living in poverty, with total marginalization. This logically does not match the numbers, because the numbers do not match a tangible reality, but only for a handful of businessmen in the country who continue to accumulate. What they accumulate is exorbitant, while the people continue to wait for the opportunity. Not only did it deprive them of an opportunity, but it confirmed to us that this democracy is not only insufficient in our country, but it does not exist.

Once the people organize themselves and put in the government a representative they consider, and in the end the people, with their votes, are the ones who put them in place. The fascist right, completely inert, classist, racist, is breaking democratic processes. So, this is the history of our country. And when you tell me about the political crisis, well, of course, in a 10-year period, there should only be two presidents. Peru has witnessed eight years, which I believe not only illustrates, but confirms, the crisis of the institution of the Republic, which leads us not only to think, but also to confirm the failure of our Republic and its necessarily imminent occurrence in the process of establishing a new constitution in the next government.

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Fujimori constitutionally established the central bank chief’s oath to the government. This means that any president who takes office, unless he can change the constitution, which I think would require a very special majority, cannot remove the head of the central bank. The head of the central bank, for 20 years, at least in macroeconomic terms, seems to be very effective. What happens on the day the head of the central bank dies?

We realize that this Constitution was not only written by a dictatorial and illegitimate government, but was also the beach of the neoliberal crusade, not only for Peru, but as a reference for all of Latin America. The process experienced in Peru was an authentic neoliberal process, with dimensions that today make a small group richer and a vast population poorer, poorer and increasingly excluded. We suggest that we should change the Constitution. We do not propose to be able to do something if it is not written in the Constitution, because the other thing is to deceive. I can’t promise change against monopolies, against oligopolies, against the state with budgets for health if I don’t write it in stone, if I don’t write it in the Constitution.

This generalized crisis and this right that controls the media and controls the judicial system openly, and today we live with President Castillo in a state of control and control. Law warWe have no hope if we do not have a new constitution. Let me tell you that the people are experiencing a founding moment with great emotion. People have been warned of the unique possibility that may be offered in these moments of crisis to save the country, but the only way is to go with a new constitution and a new compass. We cannot walk with a compass that was not only born illegitimately, but has led us to a process in which neoliberalism marginalizes, excludes and kills, and it is logical that we cannot dream even the slightest of a country with social justice and, above all, the much-needed peace.

What is the renewal period for the presidency of the Central Bank? And if it is not for life that every time he can be re-elected, why can he always be re-elected? The versions that we have, perhaps distorted, are that in the next elections there will be a right-wing candidate, if I understand correctly, the mayor of Lima.

The independence of the Central Bank is reflected in the Constitution and its mandate depends on the Congress of the Republic. I have no Constitution at present which clearly indicates the number of times, but it depends exclusively on the Constitution, which means that its number cannot be imposed or changed, and, secondly, it will always depend on the Congress of the Republic. The coup of December 7 was promoted and carried out by the Congress of the Republic, where, unfortunately, there is a majority of right-wing groups. And they are the ones who do not just change the constitution. Although this is true, on the one hand they tear their clothes, saying that the constitution cannot be touched, but they, illegally, and without any popular support, of course, as is logical, changed more than 50 articles of the constitution. All of this points to how to survive, how to change the National Judicial Council, and how to change the electoral bodies.

That means, here in this country, if you don’t have control of the legislature, basically, there’s no point in winning elections or no point in saying, “I’m president.” For these same reasons, we need to change the constitution, democratize it, and we need to restore the people’s sovereign position. Because if not, then simply put, we no longer have democracy, but these authoritarian regimes have made sure that today, at this moment, the sentence is read to the President of the Republic of Peru as a political kidnapper.

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