Duel of the Heirs: Kicilloff and Maximo Kirchner, locked in a war of distrust

Until very recently, Maximo Kirchner and Axel Kiselov were the same host and political strategist. Christina Kirchner. Aside from their origins – one the son of two presidents, the other an economist with socialist nuances from the UBA – everything they learned was in… The framework in which authority is imposed and Any opposition is considered surrender Or the product of personal hostility.

Therefore, the two sectors most competing to succeed the former president imprisoned in San Jose 1111 work with Same methods. Take negotiations to the end and beyond. The worst thing about this occasion is that both parties have points that they can show are valid to achieve what they want.

he The governor believes his “cousins’ claims are only meant to hinder him It almost interferes in the management of provincial resources. He distrusts almost everything, but particularly the chapter which the Legislature intends to approve on the question of debts, which provides for it All exceptional assistance provided by the Government of Buenos Aires must be approved and reviewed by a bicameral committee Armed for the occasion and whose decision will be the final decision.

He also confirms that in the position of restorers and campers other requests for Radical and liberal blues This would help achieve the two-thirds required for approval, and here is why They do not stop claiming places in Banco Provincia and other organizations.

Below are the most commonly found versions. While the radicals and other non-Kisiluvian Peronist negotiators, who coexist in both legislative chambers, assert that they have not yet requested a paper to submit to the oversight bodies to see if they can take over as officials of public companies in the state of Buenos Aires, the government insists that this is a lie, and that in fact, On repeated occasions they requested the CVs of interested partiesWhich must be approved by the Legislature’s negotiators.

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Silver issue The distribution demanded by mayors and which lawmakers intend to monitor is another story. Initially there were tensions between members of the ruling party, but they dissipated. These disagreements centered on how the Right to Future Movement, La Campora, and Frente Renovador believed it should be implemented. His “cousins” accused Kiselov of wanting to manage the aid provided to municipalities for the benefit of his internal movement at the expense of others.

The main case they put forward was that of La Plata, where Julio Alac appears to be benefiting from the rest of the municipalities run by Máximo Kirchner’s allies. Even some members of the Future Right Movement had the same perception. With these issues resolved, it is time for what to do with the opposition, mainly with the few mayors registered in La Libertad Avanza or associated with them. Is it time for rewards to be given to friends and punishment to enemies? Until now Kiselov has been treating everyone the same way, something Kirchner and Sergio Massa are calling on him to stop doing.

There are nuances in this chapter. With Ramon Llanos, from San Isidro, they have no problems of any kind. They even gave him the long-awaited administration of the urban areas that had always been subject to the port area. From a security standpoint, they can communicate with Javier Alonso, the Minister of Security, without problems.

The highest case is that of Diego Valenzuela, Who still does not know whether he will take up the position of regional senator, the position for which he ran, or if he is wanted for a position in the national government. They say Patricia Bullrich is asking them to give her immigration and other areas related to national security. Surprisingly, no one has raised these allegations yet. Even at these levels, La Libertad Avanza has difficulty opening its arms.

At the conclusion of this note, the Buenos Aires Legislative Council, which approved the budget and fiscal taxes last Wednesday, was in a temporary room to meet again on Friday at noon, and try to approve the debt, the size of which also raises controversy due to its size. From there, the money will come to help the municipalities, just as happened with the municipalities The 135 mayors claim, which Kiselov believes is exaggerated because “they take almost the same thing as me to settle previous scores.” He told them.

Yesterday, the governor personally picked up the phone after the failure of negotiations at an enlarged table composed of Gabriel Katopoudis and Mariano Cascalaris for caesillovism, Juan Pablo de Jesús and Facundo Tignanelli for Kirchnerism for Maximo Kirchner and Ruben Islamian and Alexis Guerrera for Sergio Massa. Yesterday afternoon, in the offices of the former Minister of National Economy, not everyone was able to reach the agreement they longed for and believed would not be reached due to some deadline issues. Moreover, they want Kiselov to abandon his stubbornness, due to which he managed to move the negotiations to this place, closest to his original idea.

The governor and his team know it’s now or never, even if he has to deal with opposition tied to uncomfortable allies. What comes after December 10 is a legislature full of freethinkers and liberals who, even if they wanted to agree, couldn’t do so or else they would be kicked out of the space. But look at what happens to the Professional Party, which wanted to accompany extremism in its negotiations, but now, after its uncomfortable partners have pushed it to the right, they no longer have any room to appear to support Kirchner’s doctrine.