One of his neighbors, who had read his books and admired him for his reporting on Kirchner’s politics and shady business, confessed to him that he had a big secret: a friend of his, who was a driver and worked for an important national official, had told him. … As a form of protection and self-protection, he left a box containing all the notebooks in which he meticulously recorded those assignments and transfers. When Diego Cabot, a journalist for the Buenos Aires newspaper La Nacion, convinced his neighbor to give him this box, he suspected it might be a treasure or a trifle. It was a treasure. In order to charge later for such a precise service or perhaps to make his possible silence profitable in the future, the driver in question would write down every trip, every place and every interlocutor to the official he had hired who, during those hidden trips, always collected suitcases or suitcases full of dollars. The meetings were usually held in offices, private homes or underground parking lots, and the destination of the funds was usually the presidential residence of Néstor Kirchner’s time, his apartment in the Recoleta district or a ministry. Capote and two young reporters spent eight months verifying line by line of data that emerged from the real “corruption log,” as one of them called it. They then presented everything to the judge and prosecutor, withheld the scoop for several weeks, and forcibly released it only when the first arrests began.
These are in fact eight notebooks that would reveal a huge network of bribes that actually included 19 politicians and bureaucrats, and 63 of the most important businessmen: twenty of them later accepted the system of “cooperating accused”, declared themselves “repentant” and told inside how this “illegal collection” – supposedly intended for party finances, but also for the pockets of Kirchner’s hierarchy – approved public tenders and provided protection for “contributors”. They have threatened, persecuted, and defamed Capote, but the truth is that, no matter what final verdict this oral court may now reach, no one will take away the scepter of the Argentine Watergate investigation.
This is the largest corruption trial in the country’s history: it has just begun and everything is clear to the public. Just one piece of information to give you an idea of the extent of the obscenity: When one of the Kirchner family’s private secretaries died, it was discovered that he had invested $70 million; His heirs cannot explain the source of that wealth. Here, in front of public opinion and in installments, is a horror film, which is undoubtedly the greatest method that Javier Maile uses to maintain his new power: almost no one wants to return to Kirchnerism, and this was the decisive reason that drove him to overcome the disastrous Buenos Aires elections in September and achieve his victory on October 23 with a relevant sector of the middle class. Borges says in a poem: “It is not love that unites us, but fear.” In this case, the fear of the return of corrupt, scandalous and decadent left-wing populism. Another incentive for independent voters, who voted for him with their noses stuffed, thus giving him a landslide victory over Peronism, was the decline in inflation, which nevertheless remained at 2% per month.
The liberal economic program had many problems, both up and down: the stabilization policy never succeeded in stabilizing the currency, and the feeling of harsh recession in the streets never stopped. Added to this, as opinion polls reveal, is a strong negative impact as a result of two or three “cases” of corruption carried out by the official representative himself, indications that the tendency that came to destroy the “class” has turned to it, shots in the foot on the way to transforming the “outsider” into a statesman, and the aggressive and disobedient methods of the above-mentioned and his companions, which produced a strong rejection among a large part of the population who voted for him. Reluctantly in the runoff. Miley changed the leather jacket for a suit and tie, moved from punk to pop for a few weeks, and teased the “coca menace” (the return of Kirchner’s “cockroaches” spelled with a k). But perhaps none of this would have saved him from a new and final Waterloo had it not been for the appearance of Donald Trump, who sounded his horn like the 7th Cavalry to rescue a friend already wounded behind the wagons and about to be destroyed by Sioux bands. Trump promised a multi-million dollar swap that would calm the markets, if his Treasury Secretary intervened directly in it and warned Argentines of the necessity of voting for Miley at the risk of the United States withdrawing and blowing everything up. Many hesitant voters did not listen to him except for fear of an explosive Black Monday.
Once Assad happily nodded and won the midterm elections, several things happened: he received orders from Washington to marginalize the Chinese as much as possible, to engage in greater dialogue to achieve parliamentary governance and thus implement eventual reforms, and to immediately accept a questionable trade agreement that would supposedly benefit us all. Political scientist Andrés Malamud reminds us that there have been many times in world history this kind of exception: powers offering massive bailouts for geopolitical reasons; In this case, so that South America is not vulnerable to the wishes of Xi Jinping. “Development by invitation,” as Malamud calls it.
Questions about how this narrative will continue revolve around the nature of the two partners: It is still rare for Trump and Miley to feel close to each other, when they are such opposites in ideology. The first is stupid protectionist. The second is complete opening: hunger with the desire to eat. The truth is that Miley saved by one hair and kept her hair intact, now has Mr. World as her bodyguard and the voters gave her a second chance. They did so mostly through the desperate tactic of the lesser of two evils: doing something before the unpresentables in the notebooks and their mother, Queen Christina Kirchner, went back to their old tricks. The Queen, let’s say as a conclusion, is condemned and detained: she drives off the neighborhood balcony with an electronic anklet.