Never end again

Since the end of the last dictatorship, all elected presidents, with all their pros and cons, have agreed on two basic principles on which Argentine democracy has been built: to condemn the human rights violations committed since the 1976 coup, and to prevent the military from being able to once again establish itself as a significant political player. It was a basic agreement, and perhaps the only state policy, that the leadership as a whole had been able to agree on since 1983. Until Javier stormed into Miley.

For the leader of Libertad Avanza, it is time for society to modify its image of the armed forces because, as he emphasizes, It is time to forget the crimes committed. This ends the consensus around the democratic spring and the trial of the junta, which is celebrating the fortieth anniversary of its founding these days. It must be said: It’s the end never again. Miley asserts that the military no longer has to apologize (although it never did) for the disappeared, for the theft of children, and for the systematic plan of human rights violations. In this way, it proposes to open a new and glorious era for the armed forces.

In this context, the appointment of Lieutenant General Carlos Alberto Presti as the new Minister of Defense cannot be read as a mere anecdotal fact, but rather represents a strong political signal: for the first time since the restoration of democracy, an active military man will occupy the portfolio responsible for defence. Ensuring civilian subordination to the armed forces. There is no doubt that the decision announced this week foretells a complex phase in the future relationship between the military and the rest of society. Presti, for example He never expressed himself about state terrorism Which broke out between 1976 and 1983. However, she has a personal affiliation in this regard.

The deceased is the father of the new Minister of Defense Roque Carlos Presti was a soldier accused of crimes against humanity Committed during the last dictatorship. Presti Sr. was in charge of the 7th Infantry Regiment in La Plata, and was responsible for the suppression of the 13th District, which controlled the secret detention centers of La Cacha, Pozo de Arana, and the 5th Police Station, among others. Among the crimes for which he is accused is the operation that took place in the home of Tiroji Mariani, where she kidnapped three-month-old Clara Anahi, for whom the Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo organization is still searching. Clara is the granddaughter of the late Chicha Mariani, Historical human rights activist, founder and one of the first presidents of Abuelas.

Presti’s appointment comes within the framework of a phenomenon that has begun to be witnessed by the Ministry of Defense, where courses and seminars have been sponsored that encourage a re-reading of what happened during the dictatorship period, within the framework of what the ruling party calls “the complete truth.” They are spaces that relativize the military’s responsibilities for human rights violations and They are full of attitudes of denial. Yesterday, for example, the first march of relatives of oppressors took place in Plaza de Mayo to demand impunity for the accused and to demand an end to trials against humanity. The march was called by the Banuelos Negros organization, which supports the actions of the armed forces during the dictatorship. This review of the recent past can be found at The new defense administration created a climate of greater acceptance.

Miley breaks the consensus that has united presidents since 1983.

“There is no sovereignty, and there is no international respect for our interests, if the political leadership does everything in its power to tarnish the name of our Armed Forces. In the years when our sovereignty was strengthened, the Armed Forces were appreciated by the entire leadership and society. Wearing a military uniform was a source of great pride. Politics wanted to erase this from our collective memory, leading to the harassment and humiliation of our armed forces“Miley said last April 2, at an event in front of former soldiers and fighters for Argentine sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands.

But it so happens that there are many men in military uniform who are still being tried for crimes committed in the period from 1976 to 1983. Prosecuting the military juntas first, and then opening issues of memory, truth and justice, later, represents an international precedent and a model to be followed in order to demonstrate to the rest of the world how to begin reparations processes against dictatorial regimes that violate human rights. After the high command’s conviction in 1985, from 2006 until Miley’s inauguration, 307 sentences were issued against soldiers who committed crimes during the dictatorship, with a total of 1,159 convictions. It’s not about dwelling on the past, but around it Prosecute crimes against humanity that do not provide for this.

It so happens that this disputed past of the recent actions of the military in Argentina has left very profound consequences for society. According to Latinobarómetro 2024, the average trust in the armed forces in Latin America is 43%. It is noted that the return is very high in some countries: El Salvador 68%, Ecuador 66%, Chile 60%, Uruguay 58%, and the Dominican Republic 57%. But the data in Argentina is completely different: As for the army, it enjoys the support of only 13% (7% “a lot of confidence”, 6% “some confidence”).

On the other hand, Latinobarómetro 2024 also warns that there are signs of this The return of the “atmosphere of tyranny” in the region. According to the report, a large percentage of participants consider that some democratic institutions (parties, parliaments, and elections every two years) are not necessary. What can partly be interpreted as a feeling that the armed forces, or “stronger” or “hierarchical” institutions, can assume a role that is attractive to a certain part of the population in a context of distrust of traditional politics. In that context, 35% of Latin Americans say they would “support a military government” if things got tough. On the other hand, when Argentines are asked whether, in some circumstances, an authoritarian government is better than a democratic one, Only 6% answered in the affirmative.

13% of Argentines appreciate the armed forces and 6% support a military government.

Miley intends for Presti to be sworn in at the Ministry of Defense wearing his military uniform, at an event in which F-16 aircraft, which Argentina has just purchased from Denmark at the request of the United States, will be displayed. Military deployment amid a civil celebration It would give Presti’s installation a heightened sense of magnificence. But there is something else: the government is promoting the idea that the new minister will delegate without officially giving up his military role. The Army Commander himself asked to remain on availability, the rank for which he would remain a member of the armed forces. He will not hold office or undertake active duties, but he will not retire. Presti will continue to receive a salary as a soldier and may be called up by the Army in the future.

The debate about the military’s control of the Ministry of Defense is happening not only in Argentina, based on the tragic legacy of the last dictatorship. In the United States, for example, where uniformed personnel are held in much higher esteem by a broad cross-section of society, a member of the military must wait at least seven years after discharge to become in charge of the Pentagon. The same thing happens in all democracies in Europe, where the position of defense must be held by a civilian. Citizen control over the armed forces is also repeated in other constitutional systems, from Brazil, Chile and Colombia, to South Africa, Australia and Canada. An active military officer can only hold the position of Secretary of Defense. In dictatorships such as Russia, China, Cuba, North Korea, Myanmar and Syria. Long live freedom?

Samuel Huntington was one of the first sociologists to rethink The constant tension between citizenship and militarism. He did so in a post-war setting and advocated “objectivity” as a form of civilian oversight of the military sector, not its neutralization. in The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Policy of Civil-Military RelationsIn 1957, the great American political scientist proposed the form of objective civilian control, according to which the best way to exercise influence over the armed forces was to professionalize them. This contrasts with civilian self-control, which involves imposing legal and institutional limits on military autonomy. More recently, Peter Feffer, a professor at Stanford University’s School of Government, reframed the problem in terms of the military and civilian employee dilemma. How do civilians monitor military personnel who become civilian employees? Fever was released in 2003 Armed officialsWhere he warned against The challenge facing democracies Military personnel who possess power, weapons, and information that civilians do not possess.

Both authors caution that civilian control of the armed forces requires transparency, legal frameworks, and oversight mechanisms that ensure the rule of law. In practical terms, this means increased parliamentary oversight, guarantees of judicial access to military archives, and institutional protection for prosecutors and judges investigating crimes against humanity. If these measures are not taken into account, the supposed technical effectiveness of the military man who becomes a minister will lose its raison d’être in the face of the institutional damage that will be done to society. This theoretical framework explains why appointing a serving military officer to the Ministry of Defense is not a simple matter for a democracy, but quite the opposite. Miley should read Huntington and Pfeiffer.

Will Presti serve the civilian regime or will he be subordinate to its military jurisdiction? Will he be an official speaking on behalf of a democratic government or will he speak on behalf of the armed forces? So what will happen to the “Never Again” legacy that Argentine society has painstakingly built in the past four decades? Argentina will soon begin to address issues that have not been raised since the end of the dictatorship.