January 2015. Jordi Pujol appears before a committee of the regional parliament. Six months have passed since he confessed about the money deposited three decades ago abroad, which he attributes to the legacy of his father, Florentine. It is “dexa” (heritage), and it does not come from him … “When the debate falls into ‘diuen, diuen, diuen’ (as they say) everything loses coherence,” the patriarch says, launching a counterattack. “Catalonia does not deserve this!” He announces to his wife Marta Verosola.
Catalonia deserves it. Pujol was declared an official martyr of nationalism. His affinity, the “pal de paler” of Catalan politics. What Pujol Franco criticized, at the regional level. National movement, charismatic leader. A system supported by clientelism. “I am not a corrupt politician,” he repeated during his trial. Frugal, austere and religious, that’s Pujol. like franco, Sanchez’s wild card. Whoever apologized to the leader claimed that he knew nothing about the corruption that existed in his environment. Gaslo Pujol claims that he dedicated his life to Catalonia and had no time for his children: “You have to ask them how much money my children might have earned,” he replied with this appearance. He also did not have time to legitimize the Florentine “La Vie” legacy. “We don’t even have five,” Verosola added. children? “One hand in the front and the other in the back.” Jordi Pujol Versola, a Lamborghini driver, presented himself as an “economic promoter” of business projects.
If Barcelona are more than just a club (and play in La Liga with $2.5 billion in debt), then the bank that the holy Pujol promoted after his time in prison must be more than a bank: it will only be accountable to God and the Catalan nation. But identity poems go wrong With earthy prose Which imposes accountability. The complaint filed by Carlos Jiménez Velarejo and José María Mena against Banco Catalana questioned the unspeakable nature of the bogolismo. Since 1968 “deliberate breach of the duty to carry out diligent and faithful management of the interests and assets entrusted to them by the owners of the company, and with clear abuse of the trust reposed, with the primary aim of obtaining benefits for themselves and for third parties outside the bank…”. Consistently, “their goal will be to withdraw part of the social funds… and dispose of them as if they were their own.”
It is the style of work that explains the involvement of ten percent of the sixty advisors in the corresponding governments in corruption cases. Although only one, Jordi Planasdimont, went to prison. Banco Catalana cost the Deposit Guarantee Fund over three hundred billion dollars, but Pujol was acquitted in 1986. Three years later, the casino case broke out over the illegal financing of Convergencia, which ended up being pushed out of the news due to the Felisa case. “They say, they say, they say” Pujol said With the same sarcasm that Sánchez used when he described the investigations into his party and his family as a hoax. Both share a political model indebted to the Mexican Institutional Revolutionary Party: the “ideal dictatorship” embodied by Vargas Llosa; Pujol expected that his son Oriol would succeed him in leadership. Handsome Pedro aspires to succeed himself.
Pujol’s doctor asserts that giving testimony from an underage person is “dehumanizing.” His launderers dust off the usual victim syllogism: Pujol is Catalonia; Attacking him is attacking Catalonia. It is possible that the former president will be lost in the fog of memory that his children will not be able to escape. They’ll stay with “I don’t know.” “Catalonia Process” and “Lawfare”. The holy impudence of national populism.