Negotiations with the United States give Chancellor Mauro Vieira an unprecedented projection

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Those close to them guarantee that there are no differences between them and affirm that Vieira and Amorim, long-time friends, have different roles. But they recognize that the current chancellor has today acquired an unprecedented projection since the start of the government, in January 2023.

The turning point came in July, when the US government announced a 40% surcharge – added to other 10% tariffs – on Brazilian products, justifying the measure by the way the justice system treated former President Jair Bolsonaro and imposing sanctions on national authorities, including STF Minister Alexandre de Moraes.

The chancellor took the lead in negotiations with Washington, met twice with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio and began to publicly defend that relations with the United States are not “unconditional”, emphasizing respect for Brazilian sovereignty in the face of commercial and political pressures.

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Interlocutors in the diplomatic field point out that Vieira has increased his visibility and say that the minister has gained importance by assuming a role considered difficult and delicate: maintaining good relations with Rubio. And he fulfilled this task well. Having access to the US secretary of state is considered an asset, especially in the case of Rubio, who holds positions in Donald Trump’s government.

Those close to the chancellor emphasize his discreet profile and say that, since coming to power, Vieira has always worked in the shadows, amid simultaneous crises and the intensification of the country’s international agenda. As head of the Brics and G20, the Chancellor also led sensitive negotiations with Argentina and Venezuela – maintaining contacts with the government and opposition – and spoke directly with Mexico, Colombia and the countries involved in the conclusion of the Mercosur-European Union agreement.

In total, he participated in more than 530 high-level meetings with ministers, heads of state and government, directors of international organizations, in addition to the meetings in which he participated alongside Lula. He was with more than 140 chancellors. In the escalating crisis in the Middle East, under Brazil’s presidency of the Security Council, he led the entire diplomatic process, according to his aides.

Former Brazilian ambassador to Washington, Mauro Vieira maintained constant attention to the American situation: he sent trusted advisors to the United States to discuss with different sectors, activated contacts at the Brazilian embassy and mobilized his team in a confidential operation.

He is described by his aides as someone who “started with his foot on the accelerator,” at the same time as he is able to act with discretion in critical moments and speak publicly only when he deems it necessary – a characteristic that interlocutors say has been decisive in leading Itamaraty through one of the most turbulent periods in recent Brazilian diplomacy.

Even so, Celso Amorim retains enormous influence as a direct advisor to Lula and continues to play a central role in guiding the president’s and the country’s vision and discourse on international issues. For an important diplomat, “Vieira is an ambassador; Amorim, a political decision-maker.”

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Ambassadors interviewed by GLOBO emphasize that the two work in close harmony and operate within well-defined areas, with no room for interference or disputes. For diplomat and writer Rubens Ricupero, Vieira’s visibility is natural:

— It is more than natural that the Minister of Foreign Affairs benefits from more coverage than an advisor. Celso has such a prestigious background that he ends up receiving more attention than the usual advisors. But in the negotiations with the United States, Minister Mauro Vieira occupies a place that an advisor could never have.

For Flavia Loss, doctor in international relations and professor at the FESPSP, the current system is reminiscent of the first Lula government:

— The role of special advisor for international affairs was established there. This worked very well at that time, when the international system favored Brazil’s leading role. Now the scenario is different. Celso Amorim is much closer to Lula, and that is important. But in crises like the current one with the United States, he is not the best actor, because he identifies too much with the PT.

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Loss believes Vieira gained space through circumstance, not style:

— I think he emerged from the shadows to fulfill the fundamental role of a minister. It was the right name: it is not so linked to the PT or Lula, unlike Amorim. It was more a moment of opportunity than of wit.

Diplomat Paulo Roberto de Almeida, former director of the Brazilian Institute of International Relations, believes that, despite progress, Vieira “still acts in the shadow of Amorim”.

— The circumstances are different. It’s one thing to be an ambassador; another, chancellor. Amorim became a sort of senior advisor to Lula, even when the former president was in prison — he said, emphasizing that many foreign policy decisions continue to be made at the Palácio do Planalto: — There is a presidential diplomacy, personalist, with improvisations that compromise the credibility of the country.

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Carlos Milani, professor at the Uerj Institute of Social and Political Studies, sees a broader context: