This Thursday, December 11, 2025, is the day when corruption ceased to be an “isolated” scandal in the middle of Pedro Sanchez to become, practically officially, an organized system that operated from the very heart of the Spanish government.
The arrests of Leire Diez, Vicente Fernández And Antxón Alonsoadded to the shipment at the discretion of Jose Luis Abalos And Koldo Garciaand the files of public and private companies linked to the socialist environment, paint a devastating portrait.
Spain does not suffer from specific cases of corruption, but rather from a systemic conspiracy that threatens the very survival of the PSOE.
The known facts are devastating. The Central Operational Unit of the Civil Guard (UCO) documented that the oil project had allocated one million euros in bribes for Ábalos and other charges.
The intercepted messages reveal that “they were given more than a kilo”, in reference to the cash given.
But what is even more serious is to discover that after the dismissal of Ábalos, the actors reassured themselves by assuring that “everything is moving forward”.
Corruption did not stop with the departure of the minister. He just adapted and kept going..
The figure of Leire Díez, the “plumber” of the PSOE, is one of the most worrying details of this crisis. This socialist activist, who presented herself a few months ago as the personal emissary of the president of the government, collected information on judges, prosecutors and commanders of the Civil Guard.
When a political party devotes resources and effort to spy on and neutralize those who investigate its corruption, we cross the red line that separates democracy from kleptocracy.
Vicente Fernández, former president of SEPI and man of maximum confidence of the minister Maria Jesus Monteromeanwhile, embodies the revolving door between public and private that has turned the state into spoils.
After chairing the public company that saved Plus Ultra with 53 million euros, he was hired by Servinabar (Santos Cerdán’s construction company), earning more than 100,000 euros as a “public procurement specialist”.
The cynicism is overwhelming. He was paid precisely to “know” the ins and outs of the system that he himself managed from the inside..
Servinabar appears to be the centerpiece of a network which received 2% of the works allocated irregularly and which accumulated nearly 6.7 million euros in illicit orders. The company He employed Santos Cerdán’s wife, paid for the penthouse where the politician lived and received more than 100 million in public contracts.
At the same time, Cerdán and Alonso influenced the Ministry of Ecological Transition for the benefit of the renewable companies that paid them.
The plan could not be clearer: capture the State to turn it into a private enrichment machine.
What is truly worrying is that these cases do not appear to be anomalies, but rather manifestations of a pattern. A model that includes the use of public companies to channel funds, money laundering, influence peddling and networks that operate from ministries and the PSOE leadership.
When corruption becomes systemic, when it simultaneously affects former ministers, secretaries of organizations, vice-presidents of the Government, strategic public enterprises and the party apparatus itself, we have stopped talking about bad apples and referring to a tree with diseased roots.
Pedro Sánchez built his leadership on an exceptional capacity for political survival. But this crisis transcends his silhouette. The PSOE carries a wound that comes from the ERE of Andalusia and which is now reopening with increased virulence.
The question is no longer whether Sánchez will survive (probably not), but whether the party he founded Pablo Iglesias In 1879 he was able to recover from Sanchismo.
That a former minister remains in preventive detention while awaiting her trial, that the vice-president of the government is surrounded by a judicial seat on her closest collaborators, that Congress definitively lowers the spending ceiling and that the president requests telematic voting to avoid appearing is proof that we are witnessing to the collapse of a political project which confused power and impunity.
The PSOE faces an existential dilemma. Carry out a thorough purge which expels from its ranks all the actors involved and rebuilds its credibility from scratch, or accept that Pedro Sánchez is the leader who leads the oldest party of Spanish democracy to its destruction.
History will judge Pedro Sánchez with extraordinary harshness. Citizens, with all certainty, have already started to do so.
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