Gale, canceled flights, loss of time in Congonhas chairs. The only way out is to think. Faced with the successive crises of power in Brasilia, one word came to mind: entropy. I don’t use it in the strict sense of thermodynamics, but in the sense that something breaks down, like a block of ice. The government in crisis with Congress, in crisis with the Supreme Court, seems to have entered a frightening labyrinth.
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My attempt, in a corner of the airport, is to try to find the genesis of this crisis, to reproduce the opening sentence of Vargas Llosa’s novel: “When did Peru get screwed?” Usually in books and articles I highlight the cost of elections in Brazil, one of the highest in the West. It ended up distancing politicians from the people. In fact, the means of reaching people – marketers and expensive television programs – began to dominate the political imagination. Today, to remedy this situation, the country gives 5 billion reais to parties in each election.
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In the specific case of Congress, an important step was the discovery that physiology is the great lever for the election of presidents. Since Severino Cavalcante, this has become clear, and the type of leader who has emerged is not only one who abandons all scruples, but one who interprets well the personal interests of members of Congress. There is no longer a big debate about the direction of the country. It’s poetry in the face of the main task: getting the most money and giving the minimum transparency to its application.
The Supreme Court has tried to contain this movement, since Rosa Weber. But in vain. The STF has a fragile rearguard. The super salaries of the judiciary constitute a point of vulnerability. But what has eroded its prestige is the decision that relatives can defend, and ministers do not need to declare themselves excluded when trying the cases of clients of the offices where their family members work.
The first major crisis occurred when the IRS studied the accounts of the wives of Gilmar Mendes and Dias Toffoli, both lawyers. Toffoli was president of the STF and appointed Alexandre de Moraes to launch the fake news investigation, which continues to this day. At first, they even censored Crusoe magazine for talking about Toffoli’s ties to the owner of Odebrecht.
Toffoli and Moraes strengthen each other. It was up to the first to cancel the Lava-Jato procedures and fines. Second, coordinate the fight against the advance of the far right. The outbreak of the Banco Master scandal highlights the problems that have resisted Lava-Jato and the defeat of the far right. The original question, buried beneath so many important historical facts, was still relevant today: the loved ones and the fortunes that are made in this family law practice.
Toffoli overturned billion-dollar fines against JBS and his wife even worked for the company. Toffoli travels by plane with a lawyer from Banco Master and decides to impose secrecy on the financial scandal. On the cell phone of the master’s owner appears a contract with the wife of Alexandre de Moraes, Viviane Barci, worth 3.6 million reais per month.
Looking back, we see that revenue was on a good track. Stories from ministers’ wives left the stage and fake news entered. But the problem we wanted to avoid resurfaces forcefully in the Master scandal. Freud remembered well the famous return of the repressed. Here he is back.
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